THE NAME
Is the term “Olokun” originally an Edo word or a Yoruba word? If it is the latter then one wonders if the divinity is not a stranger divinity in Edo Land. If the word is originally’ an Edo word then: we are faced with deciding whether the divinity is male or female. Confronted with these questions all informants hold that the word Olokun is an Edo word and that Olokun is a male divinity. They do not seem to fully appreciate the problem involved in the questions raised here.

It is true that both the Edo and the Yoruba designate a large body of water (sea or ocean) as an Okun, Olokun, if it is derived from the Yoruba language, will be the resultant of the combination of two words, namely, Oni, and Okun meaning “The Lord or owner of the sea” In his treatment of the etymology of Olodumare, Idowu asserts that when oni “owner” is to become a prefix, the vowel ¡ is usually dropped and with that the “n” is changed to “I” thus instead of “Oni” it becomes ‘Oi” If this is accepted, then Olokun will simply mean “the Lord of the sea or the owner of the sea” and hence the divinity in charge of the sea While this meaning does not automaticity lead to the attributes of Olokun in the Edo pantheon one can infer that since much of life depends upon water, it is logical to attribute to Olokun anything that sustains life and makes it enjoyable. In the same way, in a culture that is characterized by patriarchal family system like ours it is easy to consider the “Lord of the sea” as being a male divinity.

If, on the other hand, the term is intrinsically an Edo word as the informants insist it is, then it is derived from Oloi + Okun. Oloi in Edo means “a king’s wife or a queen.” Olokun then literally will mean the “queen of the sea”, thus suggesting that she is a wife of the divinity of the sea. The fact that most of the priests other than the chief priests of the two main centres of worship are women tend to lend support to this view that Olokun is a female divinity. However, when one remembers that Olokun, at every shrine, is represented as male surrounded by several wives it becomes illogical to designate him a female divinity. Besides, all mythologies depict him as a male divinity. Several ceremonial songs also point to the fact that Olokun is a male divinity. For instance, one chorus presents the priestesses as wives of Olokun or queens of the sea, using sea as synonyms for Olokun. The chorus runs thus:—

Eeee Oloi N’ame ‘ma khin o
Ai gb’ obi n’ame gha wua o

English transition:
Queens of the Sea we are
To kill queens of the sea is forbidden
There is, however, a little known tradition which shows that the name of the hunter to whom Olokun originally revealed himself was Olo. Since it was this man, Olo, who introduced the worship of Olokun to Urhonigbe, it is possible to infer that the term “Olokun’ means Olo + Okun. That is, “Olo of the Sea” or Olo that comes from the sea”. This will suggest that the divinity is nothing but a deification of the hunter who was said to have introduced this form of worship.

This is a very remote possibility unsupported by mythologies on the origin of Olokun. As we will see later from the metaphysical account of the origin of Olokun, it is very unlikely that the name of the human instrument through which Olokun was said to have revealed himself would be substituted for the divinity himself. None of the priests and priestesses interviewed would buy this suggestion as to the origin of the name. They all insist that Olokun was a divine name which God gave, to his eldest son whom he made lord of the sea and his personal representative on earth. Of course, their reaction is understandable as even a tacit acceptance of this would imply that they worship a deified human being.

We have gone into these details not with the hope of sitting the problem posed by the name but only to call attention to the existence of the problem. This is necessary because many newspaper and magazine articles on Olokun have taken for granted that it is female divinity as they all invariably refer to Olokun as goddess, Added to this, is the belief that Olokun blesses women with children, Examined critically, however, these two reasons are not sufficient grounds from which to draw that conclusion. For instance, can we assume that every gynaecologist must be a woman simply because a person in that profession helps women to become fertile?

Such a fallacy of hasty generalisation further strengthens the insistence that phenomenological approach is best for the study of religion, especially religions without sacred books The genius of this approach is that a researcher, as we have indicated, consciously “brackets” his preconceived ideas and lets the devotee, by means of narration, songs, mythologies and symbolical representations of his divinity, teach him his existential understanding of his divinity

THE METALPHYSICAL ORIGIN:
Long in heaven before the creation of the universe, God has his own divine children, the eldest of whom is Olokun. Others are Esu (Satan), Ogun (divinity of iron) Ogiuwu (divinity of death), Obiemwen (divinity of human fertility), etc. In the meantime God had created the universe. With these acts comes the need to appoint a representative from among his divine Sons who would take the overall control of the affairs of the universe.

Olokun had already proved himself a very able administrator possessed with wisdom that is surpassed only by his father, the Creator, Infect, as a young divine son Olokun was head and shoulder above the other children in tests of wisdom which God constantly gave them. The following myth illustrates the depth of the wisdom of Olokun Once upon a time. God, the Father, sent Olokun to a river with a basket with which he was to fetch water home Olokun immediately sensed the motive of his father and decided upon a plan to show that he could not be fooled. Before he left for the river he got a piece of white chalk (orhue) and drew some beautiful patterns on the ground in front of the house. Having done that he called out to his father with a request to remove the patterns he spread out on the ground should it rain before he returned from the river. The father, who was apparently busy in the house, automatically promised to do so .without knowing the type of patterns to which his son was referring.

Olokun set out for the river with a basket with which he was expected to bring water. On getting to the river he took his bath and knowing that a porous basket could not retain water he started back for home, with an empty basket. In the meantime, he caused rain to fall. The father hearing that it was raining hurried out to remove the patterns from the ground. Getting out, he discovered, to his embarrassment, that they could not be removed and that he had undertaken to do so without ascertaining what it was. Olokun walked in with an empty basket soon after the rain. On being asked why he did not bring water home he, too, asked the father ‘why he broke his promise to remove his patterns in the event of rain. God confessed that it was not possible to do so. In the same way, said Olokun, it was not possible to fetch water with a porous basket.

Olokun was not only wise and kind; he had also become the wealthiest of God’s divine children. As a matter of fact he was only second to God in wealth. He held court like his father. At one point he believed the flattering of his courtiers that he was wealthier than God. He thereupon challenged his father to wealth exhibition contest which he eventually lost. This is how he lost. The hosts of heaven had gathered to see who was wealthier. God then asked Olokun to list the items of his riches, which he did, thinking that his list would be longer than that of his father. After he had finished compiling the list, it became the turn of his father to compile his own to enable the spectators’ judge who was richer. First on the father’s list was Olokun himself and all that he had claimed as his own. Of course, the contest was given to God without any difficulty for there was no point to contest with the one who owns you and all that you claim to possess.

{Olokun Worshippers at Urhonigbe}

With such wisdom and wealth and with the possibility of rivalry it was not hard for God to choose Olokun as his chief representative in the created universe. So in a colourful ceremony, God anointed Olokun as his direct vicar on earth. This he did after he had endowed him with more wealth, power wisdom and all that is needed to make life comfortable for men on earth, in addition to all these; God placed all the other brother divinities at his beck and call. Thus in a ceremony in heaven Olokun was appointed as the divinity of Fortune. The following song which s usually sung at an Olokun ceremony depicts some of the blessings which are within Olokun’s power to bestow. Besides, the song is an epic narration of the preparation for and the journey of Olokun from heaven to the earth.

Solo: Ehavborisa vben Enokondudu
Erhavbonrisa vben no gie vben aye
Laho wo kakabo yi vben
Rhunmwunda azuwaghae n‘1 khin ogbo vben khian
Aigbe, ai kinvbin n’lkhin ogh’ovbtn ere
Al gb’iye Ekhukhu, ai gb’iye A la
Al we oto ghughe n’agba ven.
Obo no kinvbin okuta ma ghi ru evbin—o
Oke we ‘vben 1’ugha nogbon rre
I ke 1’ugha eronvbon I 1’qghe oze—o
Oze 1 keke, eronvbon 1 gue hun
N’Ehavbomisa vben yagie ‘vben aye
U ma mien Ighe ta bie omo no se ovban
O r’Erhavbonsa vben na bie okun
Al zedia mien ovban no maren okun
Sokpan ovban nei y’igho ru evbin o Eyo!

Chorus Iyarre
Solo:  O Kie aza omo, o ya yi ‘vben
O Kie aza igho, o ya yi ‘vben
O kie aza ogu onvbonkpa, o ya yi ‘vben
O Kie aza orhue, o ya yi ‘vben
Orhue, orhue a gbe vb’egua ogh’ovben
Oguonvbonkpa nei ku oya n’iya hin egbe
Ehi ‘vben rhie ukhure. O so y’o yben ere
Ohan ke gha ‘ise omikhomi — o
Ehi vb’uhunvbun i t’evben ughugban
I’ke tie Ozigue, vben no gua vb’ennvbin
Ughurhie obele n u gha rie oko
I rhi oso orhue, 1 rhie ikpigho
I rhie n’ikhinvbin n’uzokpa no re orre erinvbin.okun
I’ke tie omukpabo ‘vben n’iya kie ugie
I gborhue vbén n’iya kie ugie
I  gb ‘ezuzu vben n’lya kie ugie—o
Ikueken n uiri vben n’Iya kie ugie E-E-Eyo

Chorus: Iyarre
Translated, the epic Means:

1. My Father—God the merciful
My Father-God who sent me to the world
Please, endow me completely
Because 1 am disposed to sharing wealth
I am not to be struck by any one
No one ever strikes Olokun and God
No one ever challenges the ground to a wrestling match
Any hand that strikes a stone is put out of action.

2. He ordered me to enter through the new room
I entered the brass room and the lead room
Lead never decays; insects never bore holes in brass
With these my Father-God sent me to the world
Parents’ hope is that their children surpass them
That is why Father—God bore Olokun
No one ever lives without knowing Olokun
Except one who never spends money Here am I!

Chorus: May you have safe—journey!

3.He opened treasury of children and gave me the key.
He opened treasury of money and gave me the key.
He opened treasury of white cloth and gave me the key.
He opened treasury of white chalk and gave me the key.
Chalk, chalk, is what people rub in my palace
White cloth that brooks no impurity is what I am clad in
My guardian spirit, by means of ritual staff, said amen
Fear also pronounced resounding amen.

4.I then summoned my heavenly canoe paddler
I ordered him to take his paddle and proceed to the canoe
I took a lump of chalk and cowries
I took the only newbouldia laevis tree that grows in the street of heaven.
I summoned my ceremonial wooden plate carrier
I rubbed myself with the ceremonial chalk
I whirled around my ceremonial fan
My two hundred ceremonial attendants were in attendance
In the above epic, one gets an insight into the nature of Olokun as a divinity.

In anticipation of the importance of the role he is to play, he insisted that if he was to be sent as God’s vicar on earth, he must be endowed with everything necessary to enhance his position. This request is contained in the first stanza. The second stanza reveals that God accepted his plea and, consequently, in stanza three he is endowed with inexhaustible supply of children, or money, holiness, happiness and wellbeing which he can dispense as he wishes. This transaction was sealed by the presence of the guardian Spirit. The fourth stanza reveals that, having ensured that he has got what he wanted, he then prepared to salt down to the world. By taking along with him the only newbouldia laevis that “grew in heaven”, he ensured his perpetual status as a divinity.

THE BEGINNING OF OLOKUN WORSHIP ON EARTH
It is believed that it was God’s plan for Olokun to set up his kingdom in River Ethiope in Bendel State It is not very clear if the River Ethiope preceded Olokun or it was Olokun who brought about River Ethiope as a man would create a headquarter as a seat of his government. Whichever was the case, the source of Ethiope River, somewhere between Agbor and Sapele, has come to be accepted by the Edos as the headquarters of Olokun. From the throne here he manifests himself in any other body of water.

Here, under the Ethiope River, Olokun is believed to have set up his throne. Like the earthly king, he is surrounded by soldiers and beautiful wives in form of mermaids who attend on him. There are several mythical narrations of how swimmers who dive deep are sometimes ushered in before the throne of Olokun. Of course, once that is done the swimmers are metamorphosed and thereby become members of the loyal retinue of Olokun.

Having settled down in his earthly domain, the time came for Olokun to reveal himself to the world as the chief representative of God, the Creator. It so happened that at this time a hunter from the town of Urhonigbe, which I like to refer to as the “Mecca” or holy land of Olokun, went into the forest to hunt. He went as far as to the vicinity of the source of Ethiope River Suddenly; he heard the sound of melodious singing and dancing. Surprised, he stopped to look around but he saw nothing. He wanted to run away but could not. At the instance of a voice, he looked straight in front of him and, to his surprise, he saw what looked like a King surrounded by his courtiers. Olokun and his courtiers have become materialized for the purpose of disclosure. The hunter was invited to join the group and share in me ceremony which was to be his experience for the next three years in the course of this period the hunter was taught something of the person and the nature of Olokun, his mission on earth, the rituals and dancing necessary for the proper worship of Olokun.

In the meantime, the hunter’s family and the people of Urhonigbe town started to search for him. After searching in vain for a long time they gave him up as dead, Three years later, after everybody had forgotten the incident, the hunter emerged from the bush. He came out dumb and carrying, on his head a pot of water. He started to dance around the town. As he continued his dance people who were first scared of him eventually followed him even though he was unable to talk to them. Before long, people got caught up in this pantomimic dance. Until this day, as a re-enactment of the hunter’s emergence in this condition, the annual festival is heralded by a pantomimic dance known as Ekaba in Edo.

Fourteen days after he re-appeared, the hunter started to talk again! Consequently, he was able to relate his spiritual experiences to the people. Among other things he told them how he has been appointed as the arch-priest of Olokun in Edo kingdoms while the town of Urhonigbe has been chosen as the seat of the Olokun worship. At first, people were sceptical about his story but in no time they became convinced as those who went to him for various spiritual and material blessings received them.

Olokun Temple at Urhonigbe

BASIC CONCEPTS CONNECTED WITH OLOKUN
We have already noted that Olokun, the first divine son of the creator God, is the chief vicar of God on earth. By virtue of that position there is a sense in which we can claim that he embodies all the concepts’ or powers that may be attributed to all other divinities on the pantheon. We will, however, like to concentrate on his nature as the divinity of Fortune and thereby limit the discussion to only tutee aspects of fortune over which Olokun is reputed to have absolute control.

A. Olokun, the Provider of Children:
It has been indicated earlier in this research that women are attracted to Olokun mainly because he is regarded as the divinity who grants children to women. This belief is so entrenched in Edo land that even today most girls are not married until Olokun is consulted and worship performed to ensure that the proposed marriage will be blessed with children. Depending upon the level of sophistication of the would-be-wife, her parents and the would-be-husband, the consultation may involve a major or a minor ceremony. In a minor ceremony the blessing of Olokun may be invoked at the girls’ mother’s Olokun shrine.

In a major ceremony the would-be-husband is required to provide money for initiating his fiancée into Olokun cult in order to enable her to own her own shrine. At the appropriate time we shall describe initiation ceremony into priesthood and in that connection we shall treat this level of initiation. Meanwhile my intention is to emphasize the importance which the Edos place on the belief that the granting of children lies within the absolute authority of Olokun.

It will be recalled that in the epic poem on the commission and preparation of Olokun to set out on his Journey to the world, he requested God to make him the Source of childbearing. In response to his request, God opened the treasury of children and handed the key over to Olokun. Because of the belief that Olokun has this power t is not unusual to see a barren woman spending aid her life-savings for one Olokun priestess or the other in search of children which Olokun alone can make possible.

The importance of children in marriage has more than Psychological and economic roots. It is more of a religious and a theological problem than any of these two Considerations. In the traditional theology there is an unbreakable communion between the living and the dead members of his family. This communion can only be severed by non-performance of correct funeral ceremony. When a person dies his spirit is believed to hover around the house until it is received into the spirit world of the, ancestors. This acceptance into me ancestral pantheon is only possible if the correct funeral ceremony is performed by the children of the deceased.

A childless person stands the risk of not having befitting funeral ritual. This is an unbearable thought to the, traditional religionist. For one thing, it means that such a person will be eternally cut 0ff from his relatives. Acceptance to the ancestral pantheon is the only guarantee that the “living dead” will maintain unbroken communion with both the ancestors who preceded him into the spirit-world and the surviving members of the family. This explains the popularity which Olokun enjoys among the people In view of this theological implication of childlessness, a childless marriage in Nigeria is traditionally not considered a successful one. Since Olokun is in a position to dispense such a blessing to women (on whom tradition, unfortunately, blames all cases of childlessness), it is only logical that he be mostly patronized by women.

B. Olokun, the provider of wealth:
“No one lives without knowing Olokun; except one who never spends money”
The above lines from the last stanza of the epic poem are an eye-opener to the deep-seated belief that Olokun is the divinity of wealth. Olokun himself, you will recall, is reputed to be very wealthy so much so that he once challenged his Father—God to a contest of wealthy exhibition. We have also pointed out that according to the myth of his appointment to the overall lordship of the world; one of his requests was to be made the source of wealth. This power, he wanted, to make sure that nobody would despise him on account of his inability to Supply all human needs. This belief in his being the source of wealth is so widespread that every wealthy man is expected to feel obligated to Olokun. Traders in particular are expected to patronize Olokun .This is more so for those who have to travel on waters.

The identification of Olokun with wealth is probably not unconnected with the fact that for many years in Nigeria, cowries constituted means of exchange. Cowries are shells of a “group of mollusk called cypraea which live in warm oceans under rocks and coral reefs, Apart from their being used as money Ornaments and trinkets of various descriptions were made out of cowries. In other words, cowries, the symbol of wealth, came from under the sea and the logical inference is that the divinity of the sea is the source of wealth. Olokun is the divinity of the sea hence he is the divinity of fortune.

This belief is often exploited by tricksters who dupe people of their money under the pretext that they could double any amount of money given to them for the purpose. This they claim to be able to achieve through the help of mermaids who are regarded as Olokun’s wives.

Occasionally one finds some extremely wealthily people who are nicknamed Olokun by their followers. The rationale being that anyone who is very wealthy must be a special favourite of Olokun and may be symbolically called the son of Olokun or Olokun incarnate. The dupers mentioned above usually cite such wealthily People as among those that have benefitted from their magical powers.

C.Olokun, the Source of General Wellbeing:
Anything that makes for the general wellbeing of man comes from Olokun. Physical beauty and moral excellence are all gifts from Olokun. Happiness, peace and good luck are among the cardinal blessings from Olokun. The last three are symbolised by Orhue (white native chalk) which plays a prominent role in Edo cultural expression of happiness, success, peace good luck and blessing of any kind.

Among the Edo, the easiest way to get people to express spontaneous solidarity with you in terms of joy is to get a lump of white chalk, grind it and put it in a receptacle, rub some on your forehead. If you then call on the neighbours and the passers-by to join you in your joy, you will be surprised to see how many people will join you spontaneously. They will not only rub the chalk on themselves but they will also dance along with you. In doing this the neighbours are not only sharing in your joy, they are also hoping that Olokun whose symbol is the white chalk, will, by virtue of their bodily contact with the symbol, bless them as you have been blessed.

The truth of this prayerful wish is brought out in the following song which is usually sung on such occasions:

Wa gunvben gb’orhue,
Orhue i kho n ‘agbe nosiovhan.
Agha gb’orhue, ai gb’ibi.
Ede akhie, agb’ibi.
Edoghogho, aghigb ‘orhue

Translation:
Join me in rubbing on white chalk
No danger in rubbing on white chalk
On behalf of one’s friend
When you rub chalk, you do not rub on charcoal
Charcoal is rubbed on, on a day of mourning
But white chalk is rubbed on, on a day of joy.

Exemplified here is the magical principle of similarity which holds that like produces like effect. The hope is that the same divinity who gives you this blessing which you now symbolise with the white chalk will also give me a similar blessing if I share your joy ritually.

Another point that needs to be mentioned in connection with Olokun as the provider of general wellbeing is that which concerns physical beauty Parents who have extremely beautiful daughter may live in fear most of the time until the daughter has delivered her first child safely. The reason is that an extremely beautiful girl is regarded as an Olokun maid who by nature is not to be expected to live long on earth before returning to her position at Olokun court. Such a girl is believed to pass away either just before marriage or during the birth of her first child.

It is believed that this tragedy can be averted by a special act of grace on the part of Olokun which may be secured by the help of dedicated priestess.
In addition to the basic concepts connected with fortune, Olokun is also ‘regarded as a divinity of morality and purity of heart and body. This is emphasized in the colour of anything connected with its worship. Except the crimson-red parrot feather and. crimson coloured velveteen sash which the priestess wears, nearly every other item used in the worship of Olokun is expected to be white in colour.

The worshippers are expected to be clean both in body and heart since Olokun is a divinity of purity. They are required to wear white apparels as a sign that they belong to the divinity of holiness. In one of our song above, Olokun describes himself as one “c1ad in white robe that brooks no impurity.” This is why his Worshippers wear white apparels to identify themselves with their divinity. Olokun priestesses are supposed to be embodiments of purity and honesty. They are forbidden to wear dirty clothes and to cook and eat until the house is swept clean every morning.

A reference has already been made to Olokun, as a divinity of good luck. As a divinity of luck it is not unusual to see people who have court cases going to Olokun priestess or priest for help. After a short ceremony the priestess/priest gives a lump of chalk taken from the temple to the client. The instruction is that the client should rub some of the chalk on his forehead whenever he appears before the judge. This is to ensure that he has the presence of Olokun who would make the judge to be favourably disposed toward him. One of the priestesses interviewed insisted that several people to whom this service has been rendered had come back for thanksgiving.

INITIATION IN OLOKUN CULTUS
Since initiation is an essential part in every Nigerian traditional religious worship, it is in order to give a brief raison d ‘etre of initiation in general before describing it in the context of Olokun cult. Initiation period offers the novice the first opportunity of concentrated meditation on the divinity to whom he/she would devote the rest of life. It is expected that the period of intense meditation will create the atmosphere during which the initiate would acquire a measure of the personality of the divinity. The reality of this impartation of the personality of the divinity is invariably expected to be demonstrated in the phenomenon of divine possession experienced at the conclusion of the ceremony.

Be it in Olokun worship or in the worship of any other divinity among the Edo people, initiation ceremony proceeds along similar lime. First, a live-chicken is whirled around the head of the initiate several times as a part of purification for initiation. This is followed by a ritual bath in a concoction of herbs and water. The bath is supposed, among other things, to render his body permeable to the divinity. This is based on the assumption that during the process of the ritual mixing of the herbs, the vital force of the divinity passes into the mixture and eventually into the body of the novice

Another idea connected with initiation in general is that of symbolic death to the old life. This is usually symbolised by the isolation of the initiate for a period of time. During this period of seclusion only the priest and authorised few have access to the novice. He is expected to lie down on a mat and remains mute most of the time while the priest inculcates to him the secret of the cult. The initiate is supposed to have been washed clean of his past life by virtue of the ceremonial bath and is now to be filled with new life from the divinity.

The above ingredients of initiation in general are reflected in Olokun initiation which we will now discuss. There are two categories of initiation in Olokun Worship. The first category is what, (for lack of a better term) I describe as a primary initiation. The second type is initiation into the priesthood. The first one is open to every female child in Edo land immediately preceding her marriage. The second one is reserved for those who are specially selected by Olokun by means of specific signs which we shall indicate later.

A.PRIMARY OR NOMINAL INITIATION
In as much as it is held that women fertility lies within the power of Olokun, every woman, on reaching a marriageable age, is expected to become an owner of a shrine for the worship of Olokun. In order to acquire an Olokun shrine, a special initiation ceremony is held. A duly initiated Olokun priestess usually takes charge of the ceremony Prior to the day of the ceremony the young lady would have procured white chalk, a new clay pot, a new basin, a white out-fit, a white hen, a white goat, a white pigeon, white kolanuts, a coconut etc. Meanwhile a little shrine is constructed of mud and painted white. Sometimes, if the mother of the lady has a shrine it may not be necessary to construct a new shrine other than to provide a place for a new pot on the mother’s Olokun shrine.

When everything is ready the officiating priestess who has been chosen by means of divination arrives to begin the ceremony. The first thing she does on arrival is to purify the initiate by whirling a white chicken around her head. Having done this, she places the new ceremonial pot on the head of the novice as they set out in a procession to the nearby river. The trip to the river is usually a solemn one. The priestess is dressed in her paraphernalia consisting of white apparel and a crimson coloured sash studded with cowries, parrot’s tail feathers, coins and little bells, In addition, her ankles and wrists are bedecked with coral beads interspersed with cowries. The novice is also clad in white apparel while her face is painted with white chalk. The procession is made up of relatives and a few invited neighbours and priestesses.

On reaching the river, certain sacrifices are made to invoke the Spirit of Olokun. This sacrifice is made up of white chalk, some cowries and coins, a tiny leather box (called ekpokin in Edo language), miniature dugout canoe and keys which are among the items of sacrifice thrown into the river. Ekpokin is a cylindrical leather box with a closable lid on one end. It has a strap with which one can strap it to one’s shoulder. It was used in the ancient time as a means of carrying gifts to kings and chiefs. It is listed among the items of sacrifice to reflect the royalty of Olokun. As lord of the sea, Olokun would need canoe for his messengers hence the miniature dug-out canoes. The symbolism of the keys point to Olokun’s access to the treasuries of wealth, children and wellbeing. The hope is that, with these keys, Olokun would open these treasuries in which the worshipper’s destiny has been locked up in heaven.

These are thrown into the river as sacrifice to Olokun. The special ceremonial Olokun-pot is then filled with water and put back on the head of the initiate. The procession now heads back for home. The novice is not expected to talk to any one until she reaches home. A ritual leaf called eb’ahe is placed is her mouth as a sign that she is not expected to talk for a while. She is also not to look back until she gets back home. The priestess who walks with her at the head of the procession is to make sure that these taboos are not broken.

On their return from the river the initiating priestess would place some herbs in a new basin purchased for the purpose. Some of the water brought from the river in the Olokun-pot is poured on the herbs. Some quantity of powered chalk is also added. The initiate is then required to squeeze the herbs in the water until they become ground and mixed with the chalk. During the process of squeezing, the novice is expected to dance around the basin to the music that is being supplied for the purpose. When the squeezing is completed, the resultant mixture is poured into the Olokun-pot which is then placed on the head of the woman being initiated. With this on her head, she dances until she goes into frenzy under the influence of the spirit of Olokun. While in this state, Olokun reveal to her the particular attribute by which Olokun wants to be known at this shrine being established for the woman.

The disclosure of the attribute which is now announced by the novice is taken to mean that the initiation ceremony is successful. The pot is at this point taken from her head and is installed on the shrine. The prescribed sacrifices, usually consisting of a white goat, white fowl etc are offered. The blood of tie animals is sprinkled on the shrine while some pieces of kola-nuts and coconuts are also placed on the shrine. The remaining kolanuts and coconuts are shared among those present. At this juncture, the priestess places the would-be-bride en the laps of the would-be-husband. This is to signify that Olokun has granted them permission to be married and that their marriage would be blessed with children and wealth. Later in the day, a feast is held during which the meat of the animals’ scarified is eaten with pounded yam.

B. INITIATION INTO PRIESTHOOD:
Unlike the nominal or primary initiation which is open to every female child at marriageable age, the initiation into Olokun priesthood is selective. Certain signs such as the ones described below are interpreted as indications that Olokun is laying his hands on certain individuals as his potential priestesses. A lady may have constant dreams in which she sees herself as an Olokun priest. She awakens from such sleep with shout of eeyo meaning “Here am I, Lord.” Sometimes at Olokun worship ceremony, including drumming and dancing, one individual in the audience may become possessed by Olokun Such a woman may start to prophesy or announce herself as a potential priestess being groomed by Olokun in some cases the presiding priestess may claim that Olokun has revealed the name of a particular woman in the audience to her as being earmarked for the priesthood. Another sign of a call to be a priestess may be a strange behaviour of an individual. For instance, a young lady may suddenly disappear from home to reappear a day, or two later. She may not be able to give a coherent explanation for her disappearance from home. Others may carry plenty of money to market and may return without being able to give any account of where the money went.

The persistence of any of these phenomena normally leads the parents of the individual involved to go to a diviner or an Olokun priestess for interpretation. More often than none, they are told that the person concerned is a chosen priestess of Olokun and unless she is fully initiated she will either die or run crazy within a short time. This is a signal for the parents to start to make preparation for the initiation of their daughter into Olokun priesthood. If the interpretation of the behaviours of their daughter was given by a diviner other than an Olokun priestess, he is also requested to name any of the well-established priestesses that Olokun has chosen to perform the initiation ceremony. Once this is determined the parents go to her for consultation on the requirements and the prescribed fees.

The priestess, invariably, would ask them to provide at least, two white goats, one white cock, a guinea fowl’ white pigeon, tortoise, snail, miniature keys, dug-out canoe, paddle, white cloths, Crimson coloured velveteen (called odado), parrot tail feather, miniature leather box, a new sleeping mat, a set of drums, cynical ukuse , hand bells, cowries, white chalk, etc. In addition to the above items, a shrine is to be reared at any appropriate spot within the house or at the veranda of the house preferably, at the back of the house. A room that is easily accessible from the back of the house must also be prepared for the occasion. This room will be used for her seclusion for the fourteen days of initiation. It is also required that a temporary bathroom covered with mat be constructed at the backyard. The ritual baths would be perfumed in this bathroom.

The initiation ceremony lasts for fourteen days initially. On the morning of the first day the priestess comes to the house to purify both the house and the woman to be initiated. The items of purification consist of certain weeds put in a bowl of water to which powered white chalk, egg shell and salt have been added. A little chicken is whirled, first, around the initiation room while the concoction of the weed water, chalk and salt and egg shells is sprinkled on the walls and floor of the room. Items of clothing are also sprinkled with the same concoction. This is repeated throughout the house Following this the would-be-priestess is also purified in the same way except that in her own case a white cock that is whirled around her head is not to be killed. It is kept for similar use both morning and evening for fourteen days. It becomes the property of the presiding priestess at the end of the period.

At the end of this purification ceremony the would-be-priestess is led in a procession to the river for sacrifice and drawing of water. This is the same process as in the case of the primary initiation as described above. On her return from the river she is ushered to the improvised bathroom for the ritual bath. She is bathed in water to which several ritual herbs have been placed. Like the purification with a cock already mentioned, the ritual bath is repeated both morning and evening for fourteen days. She is not to be seen by other people on her way to and from the ritual bathroom for fourteen days other than the officiating priestesses. Infect, to ensure that nobody sees her or she sees no unauthorised person, her head is covered with a sheet of white cloth each time she leaves her room during this period, As it this precaution is not enough, the priestess jingles bells to warn the uninitiated to clear out of the way whenever the initiate leaves the room.

Having taken her ritual bath (called akbuebo in Edo), which literally means “divinity bath” she is taken to the special room already prepared for the ceremony. Certain sacred leaves are spread on the bed and over these the new mat procured for the initiation is placed. She is expected to lie on this for fourteen days she is only allowed to leave here for the daily ritual baths. Purification rites, worship at the shrine and toilet. No other person besides the presiding priestess and her helpers are allowed in the room throughout the period. This is to ensure that the initiate devotes her time to meditation and learning the secrets of the cult as taught by the priestess in charge of the initiation.

The first day is rounded off with an all-night dance at the shrine. In the morning of the second day, a sacrifice of a he-goat is made to Olokun. Later in the day a feast is given to those who participated in the all night dance and a few invited people. Additional dances are held on the afternoon of the third and fifth days. No dancing of any kind is done on the fourth and sixth days. But following the all-night dance on the seventh day, another elaborate sacrifice, involving a goat is made. This sacrifice is described as a sacrifice to “bring Olokun from the Sea”, meaning, to usher Olokun to the new shrine. In other words, all the proceeding rituals of purification and sacrifices are designed to prepare the shrine for Olokun to dwell in,

Another period of seven days is to be observed in the same Patten as the first seven days with dances on the third and fifth days. The fourteenth day marks the end of the initiation ceremony. As on the first and the seventh days a sacrifice of a goat is made. This is followed with thanksgiving feast after which an all-night dance is staged. On the following morning, known as the day of sweeping” (Ede lkpolo) the room in which she has been sequestered for fourteen days is swept out. The leaves and the mat on which she has been lying are removed.

From now on the new priestess may be possessed by the Spirit of Olokun during which time she may prophesy and see visions. However, she is not yet regarded as having completed all the rites leading to a full recognition as an Olokun priestess. She still has two more major ceremonies to qualify for the full status. These additional ceremonies come up on the third month and third year respectively. They are similar to the sacrifices made on the first, seventh and fourteenth days already indicated. From now she is declared a fully fledged priestess who is competent to divine as well as preside at initiation ceremonies of novices.

The life of an Olokun priestess is a restricted one with many taboos to observe. For instance, an Olokun priestess is not to carry any load on her head. This must have been a very difficult taboo at a time when the only means of haulage was the human head. An Olokun priestess must not eat after sunset, that is, when it is dark enough to light lanterns or switch on electric lights. She is forbidden to eat any food cooked by a woman undergoing her monthly period. She does not pass under clothe lines on which clothes are spread, neither is she to have sexual intercourse during the day except at night. In addition to all these, the arch priest at the central temple at Urhonigbe is forbidden to enter anybody else’s house. A violation of any of these taboos requires ritual purification.

DIVINATION IN OLOKUN CULTS
Divination is part and parcel of most Nigerian traditional religions. The belief is that if the divinities control human destiny, then on enquiry, man’s past, present and future which are within the purview of any divinity may be made known to him. By virtue of their intimate relationship with the divinities priests and priestesses are in a position to consult the divinities on behalves of the laymen. This is why a Nigerian priest, in the real sense of the word, is a man who stands between his divinity and the devotees. He represents the latter to the former and vice versa. This concept of the priest is well developed in Olokun worship.

Three methods of divination are used by Olokun priestess. The first of this is what one may call spontaneous divination. We have already pointed out that during the initiation, an Olokun priestess may become possessed by the spirit of Olokun. While in this state of possession, she may have a vision concerning the town or village or any individual in the audience. Such a vision may centre on the sin or taboo committed or violated by any individual and for which punishment is to come or has come on the individual. Usually, a remedy for averting the impending punishment or removing its effect is also contained in the vision.

It is also claimed that such a vision does not have to take place in an ecstatic state. The priestess sometimes is able to look at anybody and intuitively know about the person’s problems or see his future spread out before her. She then calls the individual and informs him of the revelation. Invariably, such an individual would want to know more and this may lead to the use of other methods of divination which will be discussed below. Such a spontaneous vision is not limited to the initiated priest; it may also be temporarily granted to the would-be-priestess as an indication that Olokun is laying his hands upon her.

The second and the most regular method of divination involve the use of divination objects. These divination objects consist of cowries, coins, sea shells, keys (made out of iron), native white chalk etc. These objects are placed in a divination tray (atete) made from raffia. This tray is generally placed on the floor at the foot of the altar or on a little mound constructed there for the purpose.

On the arrival of a client who comes for consultation for a specified fee, the priestess takes a little hand bell, from the alter and rings it to call the attention of Olokun to the presence of the inquirer. She takes some quantity of powdered chalk from the tray, places it on her left palm and blows it off toward the door This is to ward off any evil spirit that may want to interfer with the transaction that is about to take place. She rubs h.er own eyelids with the chalk to enable her see beyond the physical

With this preliminary completed, she now turns to the client and asks him to narrate the purpose for which he comes. After listening to the client, she takes an object called uta or uk ‘íba (literally, the oracle’s spokes man) from the fray and gives it to the client with instruction to tell her problem or desire silently to the object. The client is further expected to touch his forehead, chest and breasts with the object before placing it on the stool on which the divination tray sits. The priestess now takes the object and places it in the midst of the other objects on the tray. She throws UP the objects on the tray in such a way that they fall back on the tray. She notes the position of the particular object in relation to the others on the tray. This process is repeated several times until the priestess is satisfied that she has deciphered the signals of the divinity as indicated by the position of that object. The divine message is then communicated to the client with instruction as to what to do and what to expect. This may involve the need to confess some sins committed and taboos violated to be followed by sacrifices for expiation. It could also be that the client, if a woman, needs to have an Olokun shrine installed for her If this is the case, arrangements would be made to have it done accordingly.

Another method that is used in divination is what I may call “sky gazing and concentration method.” This is rare and is used by a few extra-sensitive priestesses. After the client has related his problem to the priestess, followed by a few questions by the priestess, the client is asked to wait for an answer. The priestess, dressed in her ceremonial regalia, then rubs her eyelids with chalk and dances around the shrine. She then goes out to gaze at the sky with intense concentration. She silently recites what appears to be incantation until she receives revelation from the divinity.

Divination is very important in Olokun worship. It is important for the traditional religionist who believes that his life is under the control of mysterious powers. He does not have to be an Olokun devotee before he can go to an Olokun priestess for solution to his problem. Olokun priestess is just one of the many professionals who divine for those who need such helps for their life’s problems. For the Olokun priestess, much of her livelihood comes from this service she renders to people. Her regular worship which involves drumming and singing may be a device to keep her neighbours constantly reminded of her presence and the services she can render. The average Olokun priestess who is less known would do everything possible to call attention to herself with the intention of attracting people to consult her for their problems. The motive here may be economic rather than service.

Olokun Temple at Urhonigbe

Three types of worship are recognised namely, the regular worship every fourth day, the special worship by the priestess every eight day or every other fourth day and the annual festival. Our concern here is with the regular worship which is less elaborate than the other two even though the procedure is essentially the same. The worship may or may not involve the slaughtering of a fowl, a goat or a pigeon, depending upon the need of the worshipper.

Worship involving animal sacrifice may be-necessitated by difficulty in terms of sickness or misfortune. When a worshipper finds herself in a difficult situation the normal inclination is to go to a diviner who may or may not be an Olokun priestess. The diviner may order her to make certain sacrifice to her Olokun for help. Another occasion for worship is the birth of a child or any type of success, especially in trade. On such occasions as these the devotee naturally feels impelled to offer thanksgiving offerings to her Olokun who, she believes, made the success possible. When a devotee plans to embark on any venture such as a voyage, trade and any such enterprises, site generally makes sacrifice to Olokun to ensure his divine blessing.

Any worship follows the same general procedure. Firstly, there is the period of purification for the worship. The priestess takes a little white chicken and whirls it around her head and the Olokun shrine after which the chicken is let go. Prior to me whirling of the chicken, the shrine is swept and rubbed or painted with white chalk. The priestess uses the white chalk to make thirty-one limes at the foot of the shrine. These are sometimes made into a beautiful pattern — a re-enactment of the incidence in the mythology which demonstrated Olokun’s wisdom.

When everything is ready for worship, the priestess sits down before the altar, picks up the hand-bell and jingles it as a part of the call to worship. Following this, she shouts: “Q-Q-Qra o Q-Q-Qra o, iso.” Ora is the favorite wife of Olokun and she must be entreated to call the attention of her husband to the worship that is about to begin. Having now been assured of me attention of Olokun, the priestess either sings or recites the following in-vocational hymn:

Oba n’ame no se norroke
Ugbolu Atetewere
Ogie no vben iyagha igho
Oto ekan no rrie emila
Ore nei vben ighanghan so
Ore negbogbogbo Uyanare
Isaguoguo vb’ihekhun
Oruese nei gb’okan
Evbu owie no ma iyan vbi’iyokho
Ughula owa do re o.

This rendered in English means:
The King of the Sea that is greater than earthily king
Ugbolu Atetewere
The King that owns abundant money
Ordinary ground that eats a cow
The street that has no faults
The spacious street
The provider of livelihood
The Merciful Provider for the Poor
The Giver that does not make the receiver feel little
The Morning dew that makes yam and cocoyam flourish
Please, come in to accept offering.

This in-vocational poem, if sung may be accompanied by drumming and clapping of hands. The people present will all join in the singing. After the in-vocational hymn preceded by the jingling of the bell, the worshipper for whom the worship is being performed comes before me altar with her offerings including kolanuts. It may be in order here to emphasize the place of kolanuts in traditional worship No sacrifice is complete without kolanuts. It is believed that the divinities gave kolanuts to man as a means of communion between them and man. It view of this, no divinity may be invoked without kolanuts.

Assuming that a woman worshipper brings a goat and kolanuts to be offered to Olokun, the priestess will call her to come forward following the preliminary of invocation. The worshipper is required to kneel before the altar while she states the reason for the offering. The priestess, having listened to her request, takes over from her and repeats the request before Olokun She may say, for example, “The Lord of the sea, the Merciful Provider of all needs, your daughter comes before you with a heavy heart. Her heart is heavy because she has no child to survive her. She knows that you, O Divinity, the giver of a child to any one according to your will. She now enters your court to plead that you provide her with a good child in due course. I plead on her behalf that you be gracious to grant her request.”“If you do this for her she will come again with a bigger goat for thanksgiving.” At every pause, the audience responds with isee (amen).

The accompanying kolanut is broken and passed around to the worshippers. Each worshipper takes a piece of kolanut, breaks off little pieces as he/she prays for the one making the sacrifice. Two people that have been chosen then get hold of the goat, stretch it over the foot of the altar while the throat is cut by the priestess or someone designated by her. The blood is sprinkled on the alter and the Olokun-pot and image. The priestess dips her second finger in the blood and, with it, anoints the forehead of the client.

That done the goat is taken to the kitchen where it is prepared for a feast later, while this preparation is going on, there may be more singing and dancing. They do not have to remain here until the feast is ready. Usually, a time is fixed when they all may assemble later for the communal feast. The feast time is preceded by a short period of worship during which pounded yam and pieces of the liver of the goat are placed on the altar. Following that, the remaining meat and pounded yam are shared by the people present.

Throughout the period of worship and feasting, there is generally a noticeable reverence on the part of the audience. The period is also characterised by communion and fellowship with one another and with the divinity. This is symbolised by the communal meal in which the worshippers not only share with one another but also with Olokun himself.